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'''Anton von Schmerling''' ([[August 23]], [[1805]] - [[May 23]], [[1893]]), [[Austria]]n [[statesman]], was born at [[Vienna]], where his father held a high position on the judicial side of the civil service.

After studying [[law]] at Vienna, in 1829 he entered the public service, and during the next eighteen years was constantly occupied, chiefly in Lower Austria. In [[1847]], as,a member of the lesser nobility, he entered the Estates of Lower Austria, and took an active part in the [[Liberalism in Austria|Liberal movement]] for administrative and constitutional reform of which they were the centre. On the outbreak of the [[The Revolutions of 1848 in the Habsburg areas|revolution in Vienna in March 1848]], when the mob broke into the Assembly, Schmerling was one of the deputation which carried to the palace the demands of the people, and during the next few days he was much occupied in organizing the newly formed National Guard. At the end of the month he was sent by the ministry to Frankfort as one of the men of public confidence.

He soon succeeded Count Colleredo as president of the Diet, and in this capacity officially transferred to the archduke John, who had been elected regent of Germany, the powers of the Diet. For this he was violently attacked in the German parliament by the extreme Radicals; but on this and other occasions (he had himself been elected to the parliament) he defended himself effectively because he depended not on eloquence but on a recognition of what has been called the irony of facts to which the parliament as a whole was so blind. He was the first and the most influential member of the ministry which the regent formed; he held the ministry of the interior and, later, also that of foreign affairs, and it was almost entirely due to him that at least for a short time this phantom government maintained some appearance of power and dignity.

A defeat in the parliament when he defended the [[armistice of Malmö]] led to his resignation; but he was immediately called to office again, with practically dictatorial power, in order to quell the revolt which broke out in [[Frankfort]] on [[September 18]]. His courage and resolution averted what nearly became a terrible catastrophe. It was his hope to establish in Germany the supremacy of a Liberal and reformed Austria. This brought him into opposition to the party of Prussian supremacy; and when they attained a majority, he resigned, and was succeeded by Gagern. He remained at Frankfort, holding the post of Austrian envoy, and was the leader of the so-called Great German party until the dissolution of the Austrian. parliament showed that the forces of reaction had conquered at Vienna and shattered all hopes of Austria attaining the position he had hoped for her.

After the abortive election of the [[king of Prussia]] to be emperor, he, with the other Austrians, left Frankfort. On his return to Vienna he became minister of justice, and the reforms which he carried out added to his reputation. His popularity among all Liberals was increased by his resignation in 1851, as a protest against the failure of the government to establish the constitution they had promised. During the-next few years he was judge of the supreme court of appeal. When his forecast was fulfilled, and the system of absolutism broke down, he became minister in January 1862.

His first act was the publication of the constitution by which the whole of the empire was to be organized as a single state with a parliamentary government. The experiment failed, chiefly because of the opposition of the [[Croatia]]ns and [[Magyar]]s, whom he bitterly offended by his celebrated saying that Hungary could wait. Faults of manner, natural in a man whose life had been spent as an official and a judge, prevented him from keeping together the German Liberals as a strong and united party; he was opposed by a powerful faction at court, and by the Clerical leaders. After the first few months the emperor gave him only a very lukewarm support; and with his retirement in 1865 the attempt to carry out the ideals of [[Joseph II]] to Germanize while he liberalized the whole of the empire, and to compel Hungarians, Poles, Czechs and Croatians to accept a system in which the government of the whole should be carried on by a German-speaking parliament and bureaucracy, failed. The constitution of 1862, though suspended on Schmerling's fall, was still regarded as legally valid for the cis-Leithan territories, and is the basis on which the present constitution for half the empire was framed. On his retirement he returned to his judicial duties; in 1867 he was made life-member of the Upper House in the Reichsrath, of which he became vicepresident, and in 1871 president. This post he laid down in 1879, and came forward as leader of the Liberal German opposition to the administration of [[Eduard Franz Joseph, Count von Taaffe|Count Taaffe]]. In 1891 he retired from public life, and died at Vienna on the 23rd of May 1893.

Schmerling married, in 1835, Pauline, daughter of Field-Marshal-Lieutenant Baron von Koudelka. Frau von Schmerling, who was distinguished by literary and artistic abilities, at that time rare in the Austrian capital, died in 1840, leaving two daughters.

See [[Alfred Ritter von Arneth|Arneth]], ''Anton v. Schmerling'' (Prague, 1895). This contains a full account of Schmerlings life during 1848-1849, but does not deal with his later life. Wurzbach, ''Biographisches Lexicon des Kaiserthums Österreich''; Friedjung, ''Der Kampf urn die Vorherrschaft in Deutschland''; Rogge, ''Geschichte Österreichs''.
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[[Category:1805 births|Schmerling, Anton von]]
[[Category:1893 deaths|Schmerling, Anton von]]

[[de:Anton von Schmerling]]Islamofascism''' is a term used by some [[Western]] commentators for a group of political ideas within [[Islam]]ic culture. The term is commonly applied to groups that promote [[theocracy]] and oppose [[Westernization]] and [[capitalism]], as opposed to moderate groups that see no contradiction between Islam and Western-style modernism.  Some writers use Islamofascism specifically to refer to [[Wahhabism]] and similar movements in [[Sunni]] Islam, while others use it to refer to all highly politicized strains of Islam, including [[Shiite]] fundamentalism as practiced in [[Iran]].  The term is strongly associated with the [[War on Terrorism]], which many [[conservative]] writers in the [[United States]] describe as a war between [[Western]] ideals and Islamofascism.

In polemical use, ''Islamofascism'' is often applied to semantically connect radical Islamic groups to the [[fascist]] ideology of the [[Nazi]]s, by emphasizing common features such as [[antisemitism]] and [[totalitarianism]], while ignoring or downplaying the differences between radical Islamic and Nazi ideology.  Associating one's current enemies rhetorically with hated enemies of the past is a common techique in [[propaganda]]. A similar recent example is the term [[feminazi]].

A more neutral alternative for Islamofascism is [[Islamism]]. Some writers also use [[Muslim fundamentalism]], popularized at the time of the [[Islamic Revolution]] in [[Iran]]; however, proponents of the use of the labels ''Islamism'' or ''Islamofascism'' argue that the label ''Muslim fundamentalism'' is historically and theologically inaccurate, and invites unjustified generalizations about all [[fundamentalist]] religious movements.

== American conservative viewpoint on Islamism ==

Some American conservatives see the conflict between the United States  and Islamism as a battle of "good against evil", mirroring the Islamist conception of their battle against U.S. influence as a similar battle of good against evil. They depict all Arab political viewpoints as one and the same, and regard them as morally equivalent to both Communism and Fascism.

They see the United State's victory over the forces of "Islamofascism" as the historically inevitable of freedom and democracy. 
Some conservative commentators call America's "struggle against Islamofascism" [[World War IV]], in the belief that this is America's fourth struggle against global evil.

They regard those who do not share their views as appeasing totalitarian evil, and characterize them as "the amoral liberal left".